My Experience with LABIC and Participatory Planning During my secondment in Lisbon, I had the incredible opportunity to work on the LABIC (Neighborhood Innovation Laboratory) project in the historic district of Barreiro Velho. The project aims to bring together local residents and city officials to collaboratively design solutions for better urban living. My experience involved  insightful academic exchanges with the local researcher Carolina Cardoso (ISCTE) and gave me a closer look at the challenges and successes of community-driven urban regeneration in Portugal. The LABIC project, based in Barreiro Velho, focuses on fostering community cohesion and tackling urban issues like housing quality and public space management. The idea was to empower local residents to take part in shaping their own neighborhoods. The use of vacant lots for temporary libraries or play areas, and the involvement of children in these activities, showed me how powerful these simple actions can be in transforming spaces and creating connections between residents. I was fortunate enough to closely observe a community building event—a street party. This vibrant gathering, organized by local residents and project researchers, was a celebration of community spirit. With a small music stage, a barbeque, and an upcycling workshop, the event not only brought people together but also helped raise awareness about the ongoing urban interventions. As I wandered through the neighborhood, taking photos and chatting with the researchers present, I realized how much these small, community-driven events contribute to fostering social cohesion. There was a palpable sense of ownership, identity and community pride in the area, something that’s often difficult to achieve in areas nearer the city centre. Shifting My Focus: Housing, Informality, and AUGIs One of the most striking aspects of my secondment was the exposure to Portugal’s approach to informal settlements, specifically the Áreas Urbanas de Génese Ilegal (AUGIs), or areas of illegal housing construction. These neighborhoods, often located on the outskirts of cities, developed informally over time, and their residents have been working to legalize their homes and improve their living conditions. This topic intrigued me because it resonated with my research in Cyprus, where informal construction also plays a significant role in suburban and rural housing. I had the chance to conduct interviews with several key stakeholders, including academic researchers and municipal officials, to better understand how new participatory planning methods were being explored in these areas. These conversations were eye-opening, as they focused not just on the challenges of housing legality, but also on the social issues of self-governance, citizenship, and social cohesion for lower-income residents. In particular, I spoke with Carolina Cardoso, José Carlos Motta, and local officials from the Lisbon municipality, including Cláudia Batista and Álvaro Fernandez. The insights I gained were invaluable in exploring how participatory processes, such as community mapping and photo-voice methods, were being used to engage residents in transforming their own neighborhoods.  Taking Lessons Back to Cyprus The experiences gained during an Erasmus+ BIP Blended Intensive Programme, which I participated in at ISCTE, allowed me to gather new ideas for my own research in Cyprus. The programme also gave me a platform to collaborate with students and colleagues from Lisbon and Cyprus. Together, we explored the concept of Urban Living Labs, spaces where citizens and researchers can co-create solutions for urban challenges. This experienced enriched my understanding of how different South European countries approach similar issues. In particular, the participatory practices used in Lisbon’s AUGI areas—where residents collaborate with the municipality to legalize and improve their homes—provided a great example of how co-production of knowledge between citizens and authorities can lead to more sustainable and inclusive urban planning. Reflecting on my time in Lisbon, I realize that, from the lively street party in Barreiro Velho to the thought-provoking interviews on informal housing, it has been an experience which added to my understanding of urban planning. By seeing participatory urban planning in action, I realised that projects that take citizen participation seriously can make a real difference in the lives of  people in Lisbon’s peripheral neighborhoods. The power of community-driven urban innovation and experimentation is in reframing the prerequisites of urban planning, to start from the existing conditions and strengths of locality to build social cohesion towards socially sustainable housing envrionments.

At the beginning of 2024, I conducted a secondment at the Department of housing policies at Lisbon City Council. Since I was carrying out research on collaborative housing and innovation, I searched for an experiment in the field of housing to compare with the case I studied in Bologna. The Italian case (co-housing Porto15) had been developed through a public intervention that aimed to build a community of residents that shared spaces and promoted a more sustainable lifestyle in the neighbourhood. My colleagues from the housing policies department where I was based piqued my interest by telling me about an innovative rehabilitation project that experimented with Tetris to avoid relocating residents into temporary housing. Thus, it aimed to protect the community living there. The construction site was confined to a part of the building while residents continued to live in the remaining part, with the living place and the building site switching in the subsequent phases of the project. This is Vila Romão, an old workers' villa owned by the Municipality of Lisbon, which was undergoing rehabilitation during my secondment due to the precarious conditions of the building. The municipality of Lisbon and the construction team took on the challenge of integrating residents into the retrofitting project, considering this the most suitable approach to the residents’ needs and life conditions. What was even more interesting was that this challenge concealed another one: the integration of a vulnerable resident population into a retrofitting project. The municipality faced this challenge by successfully involving individuals with special social skills in the renovation works. The building company carrying on the renovation was unique in agreeing to work under conditions that required extra workload for temporary connections of electricity, gas, and energy, and their maintenance, along with continuous efforts to interact with residents. Additionally, the municipal coordinator of the rehabilitation was explicitly chosen by the municipality for her profile and attitude. She was favourable to working in an environment of close proximity with residents and appreciated human contact. Upon arriving for my first site visit, it became clear that the project activated unusual dynamics of collaboration and housing coexistence. I wouldn’t thought the municipality’s staff together with the building company would have been fulfilling some kind of locally-based social assistance. In fact, the integration of residents was not only physical but also social and relational. The residents and the construction team crossed each other’s space trajectories, had continuous daily interactions and developed a singular urban coexistence. I surprisingly observed effective neighborhood ties between the team of construction workers, the municipal services overseeing the on-site work, and the residents of the building. The residents were predominantly elderly individuals, part of a historical working-class community. Most residents were significantly frail and supported by a social worker due to mental, social, or physical challenges that obstructed their daily life. Indeed, the continuous presence of civil servants, engineers, construction workers, and the entire building team created opportunities for residents to seek for practical and social help. R. (86 years old, F) said that they are "all good kids" and she could ask several times for practical tasks like moving furniture or retrieving a cat stuck behind an armchair. E. (82 years old, M) said that it now feels like being back with family, just like when he was a child. What I found particularly valuable was that in this unusual situation of living on a building site, with noise, confusion, dust, and waste storage, residents had the opportunity to be heard, to talk to someone, and to receive a kind of social assistance  for different unmet needs, including administrative and digital ones. I was very enthusiastic to see that help relations were reciprocal: residents played an important role in the progress of the construction works. They acted as proper guardians and controlled the site, providing significant help against risks such as theft of building materials or the access of unauthorized persons. In this way, they gained a different role than merely being beneficiaries of a renovation project and passively receiving a service. Integrating vulnerable residents into a retrofitting project, which seemed to be a hidden challenge, finally appeared to have a huge potential. The environment I perceived was one of genuine mutual help and intense neighbourhood relations, where actors seized the opportunity not to be bound to social positions and to develop capacities to switch roles   Actors engaged in a kind of role-playing that allowed professionals from the design and building fields to learn how to interact with a frail population, playing the role of social workers, while residents assumed roles of responsibility, becoming guardians and social controllers. A hidden challenge potentiality on the field At the beginning of 2024, I conducted a secondment at the Department of housing policies at Lisbon City Council. Since I was carrying out research on collaborative housing and innovation, I searched for an experiment in the field of housing to compare with the case I studied in Bologna. The Italian case (co-housing Porto15) had been developed through a public intervention that aimed to build a community of residents that shared spaces and promoted a more sustainable lifestyle in the neighbourhood. My colleagues from the housing policies department where I was based piqued my interest by telling me about an innovative rehabilitation project that experimented with Tetris to avoid relocating residents into temporary housing. Thus, it aimed to protect the community living there. The construction site was confined to a part of the building while residents continued to live in the remaining part, with the living place and the building site switching in the subsequent phases of the project. This is Vila Romão, an old workers' villa owned by the Municipality of Lisbon, which was undergoing rehabilitation during my secondment due to the precarious conditions of the building. The municipality of Lisbon and the construction team took on the challenge of integrating residents into the retrofitting project, considering this the most suitable approach to the residents’ needs and life conditions. What was even more interesting was that this challenge concealed another one: the integration of a vulnerable resident population into a retrofitting project. The municipality faced this challenge by successfully involving individuals with special social skills in the renovation works. The building company carrying on the renovation was unique in agreeing to work under conditions that required extra workload for temporary connections of electricity, gas, and energy, and their maintenance, along with continuous efforts to interact with residents. Additionally, the municipal coordinator of the rehabilitation was explicitly chosen by the municipality for her profile and attitude. She was favourable to working in an environment of close proximity with residents and appreciated human contact. Upon arriving for my first site visit, it became clear that the project activated unusual dynamics of collaboration and housing coexistence. I wouldn’t thought the municipality’s staff together with the building company would have been fulfilling some kind of locally-based social assistance. In fact, the integration of residents was not only physical but also social and relational. The residents and the construction team crossed each other’s space trajectories, had continuous daily interactions and developed a singular urban coexistence. I surprisingly observed effective neighborhood ties between the team of construction workers, the municipal services overseeing the on-site work, and the residents of the building. The residents were predominantly elderly individuals, part of a historical working-class community. Most residents were significantly frail and supported by a social worker due to mental, social, or physical challenges that obstructed their daily life. Indeed, the continuous presence of civil servants, engineers, construction workers, and the entire building team created opportunities for residents to seek for practical and social help. R. (86 years old, F) said that they are "all good kids" and she could ask several times for practical tasks like moving furniture or retrieving a cat stuck behind an armchair. E. (82 years old, M) said that it now feels like being back with family, just like when he was a child. What I found particularly valuable was that in this unusual situation of living on a building site, with noise, confusion, dust, and waste storage, residents had the opportunity to be heard, to talk to someone, and to receive a kind of social assistance  for different unmet needs, including administrative and digital ones. I was very enthusiastic to see that help relations were reciprocal: residents played an important role in the progress of the construction works. They acted as proper guardians and controlled the site, providing significant help against risks such as theft of building materials or the access of unauthorized persons. In this way, they gained a different role than merely being beneficiaries of a renovation project and passively receiving a service. Integrating vulnerable residents into a retrofitting project, which seemed to be a hidden challenge, finally appeared to have a huge potential. The environment I perceived was one of genuine mutual help and intense neighbourhood relations, where actors seized the opportunity not to be bound to social positions and to develop capacities to switch roles   Actors engaged in a kind of role-playing that allowed professionals from the design and building fields to learn how to interact with a frail population, playing the role of social workers, while residents assumed roles of responsibility, becoming guardians and social controllers.  

The two-month secondment to the Technische Universiteit in Delft (TU Delft) was an important step in my doctoral journey as I had a chance to interview leading professors and national experts in the field of affordable housing governance. Compared to my research findings on housing affordability in post-socialist countries struggling with the specific challenges of path dependency from the socialist period, the Netherlands is considered a good example of a rich tradition and a good practise example when it comes to organising affordable housing governance.   Historically, housing associations in the Netherlands originated in the 1850s as a response to the housing crisis of the time. They were originally founded as a philanthropic endeavour by wealthy citizens to provide affordable housing for their workers and prevent the diseases that were spreading at the time. Today, housing associations are private and not-for-profit real-estate companies that operate as third sector organisations and pursue a social agenda by providing affordable housing to those in need.   This long history and knowledge of organising affordable housing through housing associations has made the Netherlands a leading country in Europe when it comes to the proportion of affordable rental housing. What I have learnt is that this model cannot be “copied” to other countries, especially not to post-socialist countries where other solutions need to be sought.   I was impressed by the long tradition of the role of housing associations in the Dutch welfare system, but also by the intensity with which they campaign and fight for affordable housing. During my work at TU Delft, a demonstration against high housing prices took place in The Hague, with hundreds of people standing up and demanding more affordable housing. Although housing prices in Croatia are quite high, both for renting and buying, there have not yet been any protests and demands from citizens against the high prices.   The valuable experience and knowledge gained during the secondment will now be translated into a research paper. Together with prof. Haffner and p.rof van Bortel, we want to understand the position of Dutch housing associations in the new economic and regulatory environment, i.e. the abolition of the Landlord Levy, and find out how important they are for achieving the national goals of building and maintaining the social rental housing sector by 2030.